Kingship & Harsha, the King

Harsha was the greatest monarch of his time in India. His accession to the throne against all adversity and the way he unified most of northern India were remarkable. At the time when his father Prabhakaravardana died, Harsh and his elder brother Rajyavardhana were defending the western frontier of India from the Hun’s invasion. Rajyavardhana, being the eldest son ascended the throne although he is said to have been treacherously murdered.[4]

After his brother’s death, Harsh become the king but the incidents connected with his accession throw light on the fact that despite a younger brother of a dead king, the selection of Harsha as the next ruler was discussed among his ministers and they duly elected him on account of his qualities. When the news of Rajyavardhana’s murder was received, the chief minister Bhandi, who was a near relation of the royal dynasty and whose power and reputation were high and of much weight, addressed the assembled ministers, “The destiny of the nation is to be fixed today. The old king’s son is dead: the brother of the prince, however, is humane and affectionate, and his disposition, heaven-conferred, is dutiful and obedient. Because he is strongly attached, to his family, the people will trust in him. I propose that he assume the royal authority, let each one give his opinion on this matter, whatever he thinks.” All ministers and officers agreed to Bhandi and exhorted Harsha to assume the royal authority. [5]

Harsha immediately after becoming a king declared war on Shashanka and also embarked upon a campaign of Digvijay, i.e. conquest in all directions. Harsha declared that all the Indian kings must either pledge their loyalty to him or meet him in war. A proclamation which, as Banabhatta says, Harsha engraved soon after his accession seems to address both feudatories and independent princes. Harsh promulgate:

“Let all kings prepare their hands to give tribute, or grasp swords; to seize the realms of space or cohwries; let them bend their heads or their bows, grace their ears with my commands or their bowstrings; crown their heads with the dust of my feet or with helmets.” [6]

Harshvardhan waged incessant warfare with the five largest kingdoms of his time for six years thus enlarging his territory. He increased his army, bringing the elephant corps up to 60,000 and the cavalry up to 100,000, and reigned in peace for thirty years without raising a weapon.[7] The Digvijaya must have resulted in some annexations but it left numerous rulers semi-independent who generally acknowledged the suzerainty of Harsha.

Although the fabric of the Indian states was weakening at the time of Harsha due to the advent of feudalism in the polity, nevertheless, Harsha ruled with all distinction according to the rules set by the Dharmashasta literature. Most of the Hindu rulers of India up to the recent past followed the enlightened conception of kingly duties prescribed to them by ancient lawgivers. No ordinary ruler would have dared and no conscientious one would have liked to infringe so strong a tradition which had the legacy of Dharmasastra, Nitisastra, and Arthasastra. Kautilya, himself says that the king’s first duty should be the promotion of the happiness of his subjects as therein laid his own happiness. The ruler, says Sukra, has been made by Lord Brahma the servant of the people getting his revenue as his remuneration. His sovereignty is only for protection. Harsh not only pursued these high ideals but also strove to maintain them. He constantly toured his vast empire to be fully enlightened about the true condition of his people and remedy their grievances. He gave his personal attention to all matters of importance as described by Banabhatta and Hsuan Tsang.[8]

Hsuan Tsang notes in his account that Harsha is seen constantly on the move except during the rainy season. Incessant travelling, whether on military expeditions, administrative tours, or for religious motives, was part of the personal conduct of the administration. Harsha divided the day into three periods, devoting one to affairs of government and two to religious works. Hsuan Tsang also informs us that Harsha found the day too short for him and he forgot to sleep and take food in his devotion to good works. Noteworthy of Harsha’s governance to mention is that he ruled in conjunction with his sister Rajyashri because the dominion of his husband’s kingdom was merged with the territory of Harsha’s empire. [9]

Council of Ministers

The success of the Vardhan dynasty was largely due to the Harsha himself. The ancient Hindu tradition as described in the Nitisastras was closely followed that lays down the rule or more appropriately the tradition, that the king should be assisted by a privy council consisting of the heads of departments. Under Harsh rule, next to him, i.e., sovereign ranked the chief ministers of the empire, who probably constituted a Matriparisad or council. The Council of Ministers wielded considerable power in the matter of state and even the election of the king was in their hands.[10] Even during the lifetime of the monarch, the council used to exercise great powers in matters of administration because Harsha was often touring the country. There can be no doubt that though Harsha’s government was personal in one sense the royal authority was by no means despotic. The council of ministers possessed considerable powers against which no monarch could act. [11]

We find in Harshacharita a very interesting episode where king Prabhakarvardhan summoned his both sons in and gave them an advice that never to fall in the trap of sycophant ministers. The occasion was of appointment of the brothers Kumaragupta and Madhavagupta, sons of the Malwa king, close associate of his two sons as “they are men found by frequent trials untouched by any taint of vice, blameless, discreet, strong, and comely.” Prabhakarvardhan affectionately addressing Rajyavardhan and Harshvardhan said,

“My dear sons, it is difficult to secure good servants, the first essential of sovereignty. In general mean persons, making themselves congenial, like atoms, in combination, compose the substance of royalty. Fools, setting people to dance in the intoxication of their play, make peacocks of them. Knaves, working their way in, reproduce as in a mirror their own image. Like dreams, impostors by false phantasies beget unsound views. By songs, dances, and jests unwatched flatterers, like neglected diseases of the humours, bring on madness. Like thirsty catakas (subordinate police), low-born persons cannot be held fast. Cheats, like fishermen, hook the purpose at its first rise in the mind, like a fish in Manasa. Like those who depict infernos, loud singers paint unrealities on the canvas of the air. Suitors, more keen than arrows, plant a barb in the heart.”[12]

Apart from the incidents connected with the accession of Harsha which make clear that all the chief ministers met together to discuss important questions, we have many more instances indicating the role of Matriparisad in important matters of the state. For example, when Rajyavardhana went to fight the murderer of his brother-in-law and accepted their invitation to come to their camp after victory, he was doing so on the advice of his council of ministers. It was wrong advice which resulted in the murder of the young king. This proves that the council of ministers was also in charge of making decisions about war and foreign policy.[13]

Harsacarita indicates that ministers were consulted individually by the king. In Harsacarita, the chief military officer— ‘foremost in every fight’ — is called Senapati. The commander of the cavalry was another high military officer. Mahasamdhivigrahika was the foreign minister. Mahabaladhikrita is mentioned as a great office in supreme command of the army. The Pramatri is a counsellor and another high officer of the state. Also, it looks like feudatories worked in high positions directly under the suzerain. The supposition is strengthened by the mention of Mahasamantas and Maharajas in the same breath as regular officers in Harsha inscriptions. [14]

Administrative Units

The inscriptions and Harshacharita present a hierarchy of officers and administrative divisions to which they are assigned. The territory of the empire was called a rajya, rastra, desa, or mandala made up of a number of administrative divisions. Usually, they appear to be as follows in descending order where Bhukti represents the province, Visaya was the district, Pathaka signifies the smaller territorial unit perhaps like a modern-day taluka, and Grama or village was the smallest unit. The Visaya had its administrative headquarters called Adhisthana or town. [15]

The villages were in charge of their headmen. The government did not interfere in the autonomy of the villages which they enjoyed for a long time. The larger territorial divisions were undoubtedly controlled by the centre. But decentralisation also worked for better management of various units. Personal inspections by Harsha kept the territorial units in order, and there was coordination between the central government and the administrations of the provinces. [16]

The Bureaucracy (State Functionaries)

Under Harsha’s reign, a well-ordered bureaucracy appears to have existed. The governor of the bhukti or province designated as Uparika-maharaja is sometimes put in charge of the king’s son. The governor is also called by other names such as Gopta, Bhogika, Bhogapati, Rajasthaniya, and Rashtriya or Rastrapati. The provincial governor appointed his subordinate officials, described as tan-niyuktakas. He appointed his Visayapati (or the divisional commissioner) to whom apply the titles of Kumaramatya and Ayuktaka. Many high officers were associated at the provincial level such as Mahasamantas, Maharajas, Daussadhasadhanikas, Pramtaras, Kumaramatyas, Uparikas, and Visayapatis. Drangikas were the city magistrates. [17] When the king’s orders were personally delivered to the feudatories and provincial officials, they were called svamukhejna. Sometimes they were also signed by the king himself. The Banskhera Plate grant of Harsha is signed by him and described as ‘given under my own hand and seal’ (svahasto mama maharajadhirajasri Harsasya). [18]

The staff of the local government included Mahattaras (the village elders), Asta-Kuladhikaranas (probably officers in charge of groups of eight kulas or families in the village), Gramikas (the village head-men), Saulika (in charge of tolls or customs), and Gaulmika (in charge of forests or forts).[19] As the empire become more decentralized and feudal, a set of many new officers appeared in seventh-century India. The officer in charge of land revenue was called Dhruadhikaranas whereas Bhandagaradhikrita was the treasurer, Talavataka, probably the village accountant, tax-collector called by the name Utkhetayita and most importantly Pustapalas and Akaspatalika, those who keep the record and on whose efficiency depends the stability of the administration. The enlightened character of the administration is also shown in its maintenance of a separate Department of Records and Archives called Akaspatalika. It is attached to the records office called Aksapapla, under the departmental head called the Mahakaspatalika. The Department of Records included the clerks who wrote down the records or documents and called the Diviras, and Lekhakas. The documents referred to as Karanas were kept in the custody of the registrar called Karanika. [20]

Besides these officers with specified functions, there were also general superintendents called Survadhyakas, whose offices employed high-born officers, the kulaputras, to help them with the responsibility of their work. Among other civil officers, we may note those attached to the royal household such as the Pratihara, Mahapratihara - the chief guard or usher of the palace, Vinayasura, whose function seems to have been to announce and conduct visitors to the king, the Shapati samrat, probably ‘superintendent of the attendants of the women’s departments’, Pratinartaka, a bard or herald, and the like. Among other officers, one of the most notable is the Dauhasadhanika, one who is entrusted with the difficult duty of the high police officer. He was assisted by Ayuktakas, subordinate officers, and Catas or police. [21]

Apart from these officers, the machinery of local government provided a place also for the non-official element to help in the administration. The Visayapati administered with the assistance of an advisory council called samvyavaharati consisting of (1) Nagara-Sresthin, most likely representing the city; (2) Sarthavaha standing for the trade guilds; (3) Prathama-Lulika the craft-guilds; and (4) Prathama-Kayastha perhaps the chief secretary, or the representative of the kayasthas or scribes as a class. [22]

Revenue

As much as possible, the central government let the people run their affairs, so it taxed people very little and was satisfied with a modest sum of money. The main source of income used to have come from the crown lands, which were worth about a sixth of the crop according to the traditional standard. Revenue was also derived from trade as well as we have reference to light duties levied at ferries and barrier stations. King’s dues from a village comprised the tulyameya (taxes depending on the weight and measure of the things sold), and Bhagabhogakarahiranyadi (the share of the produce, payments in. cash, and other kinds of income).[23]

The contemporary observer, Hiuen Tsang was pleased by the reasonableness of the state’s demands and the absence of annoying restrictions on the freedom of the subject which resulted in the safety of their property. He writes, “As the government is generous, official requirements are few. Families are not registered, and individuals are not subject to forced labour contributions…Taxation being light and forced labour being sparingly used, every man keeps to his hereditary occupation and attends to his patrimony.” [24] However, despite of Harsha’s efficient administration, sometimes the collection of regular taxes led to the oppression of people by petty officials. In Harsacarita, Banabhatta himself has registered that people complain about revenue and police officers. [25]

Judicial Administration

The Penal Code was made severe under the rule of Harsh but applied with moderation. Treason was regarded as a most heinous crime punished by imprisonment for life and not by any corporal punishment. For offences against social morality, and disloyal and contemptuous conduct, the punishment was either mutilation of limbs or banishment of the offender to another country or into the wilderness. For other crimes, restitution in the form of cash was an option. Trial by ordeal was also in force. Ordeals by water, fire, weighting, and poison were used as efficient instruments to determine the innocence or guilt of an accused person. Banabhatta implies that justice was administered by a class of officials called Mimamsakas. Minor offences were punished with fines.[26] Harsacarita on the other hand refers to the custom of releasing prisoners on festive and joyous occasions. One such occasion was Harsha’s birth when his father Prabhakarvardhan freed many prisoners. Banabhatta writes Harsha’s birth saw “disorderly crowds of freed prisoners, their faces hairy with long matted beards.”[27]

Hiuen Tsang informs that criminals or rebels were few and serious trouble was only occasional. He writes in his travelogue, “As the government is honestly administered and the people live together on good terms the criminal class is small.” But the criminal activities were not absent altogether. Hiuen Tsang himself suffered at the hands of thieves more than once. On the whole, Harsha’s strict penal code frightened men, but the punishments were not turned into a cruel system. Hiuen Tsang testify this as he noted that torture was not used to elicit a confession and in the investigation of criminal cases there was no use of rod or staff to obtain proof. A wide range of ordeals practised in the legal system of the time are discussed in detail in Hiuen Tsang’s account.[28] The efficiency of the criminal administration was no doubt responsible for the infrequency of violations of the law, but it may also have been due to the character of the people, who were described as of “pure moral principles” by Hiuen Tsang, who writes, “They will not take anything wrongfully, and they yield more than fairness requires. They fear the retribution for sins in other lives, and make light of what conduct produces in this life. They do not practise deceit and they keep their sworn obligations.” [29]

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